On June 11, 2025, Australia joined the United Kingdom, Canada, New Zealand and Norway in imposing targeted sanctions on two senior Israeli ministers – National security minister Itamar Ben Gvir and Finance Minister Bazela – for what is described as severe human rights violation.
The move was made using Australia’s Manitsky style sanctions regime, a legal tool that enables the government to sanction foreign individuals responsible for serious human rights abuses and corruption. This includes freezing their financial assets in Australia and banning their entry into the country.
The Manitsky Style regime is named after Seregi Manitsky, a Russian lawyer who died in prison in 2009 after exposing government corruption. Several Western countries have adopted similar laws that allow them to take action against individual officials, rather than entire governments in response to serious abuses. In this case, Australia has chosen to exercise that legal authority to sanction specific Israeli ministers for actions believed to violate international law and threaten peace within the region.
For over 611 days, Palestinian, Arab and human rights communities in Australia have demanded action. Many feared that the Labor government, despite its promises, would continue to remain silent in the face of growing atrocities. Public pressure intensified as the death toll in Gaza soares, now believed to exceed 100,000, with thousands more missing under rubble and untold numbers held in Israeli prisons without trial. For many, the government’s long silence amounted to complicity. Now, with these sanctions, some see a shift. It is too little. It is too late. But it is something. And for many, that is a start.
The sanctioned Israeli ministers are not fringe figures. Both Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich are powerful members of Israel’s far right coalition government and have long promoted hardline, racist and violent views. They are central figures in what is often called the settlement enterprise, a network of illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank that violate international law and displace Palestinians from their land.
Both ministers have also made dangerous and openly hateful statements. In a high profile incident, they marched through Jerusalem’s Muslim Quarter with far right groups chanting "death to Arabs" and "may your village burn." Ben Gvir recently called for Israel to occupy all of Gaza and encourage Gazans to leave, while Smotrich said in February that Israel should "bury the idea of a Palestinian state permanently." These actions and statements directly undermine any prospects for a peaceful two-state solution, which remains the official goal of much of the international community, including Australia.
Foreign Minister Penny Wong justified the sanctions by saying these ministers are the "most extreme proponents of the unlawful and violent Israeli settlement enterprise" and warned that settler violence is not only violating Palestinian rights but also making peace impossible. She added that the Israeli government must allow humanitarian aid into Gaza, describing the suffering there as "horrific." This marked one of the strongest public statements from an Australian government official on the humanitarian crisis since the war escalated last year.
The joint statement issued with Australia’s allies made clear that the sanctions are not an attack on Israel itself but a targeted response to individuals whose actions "undermine Israel’s own security and its standing in the world." It also emphasised the continuing commitment to Israel’s right to security and condemned the Hamas attacks of 7 October. The goal, according to Wong, is to defend international law, human rights and the chance for peace, not to punish the Israeli people.
However, Australia’s move has provoked an angry response from the United States, Israel’s closest ally. United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio condemned the decision as “outrageous,” claiming it would not help achieve a ceasefire or the return of hostages. He added, “We reject any notion of equivalence,” referring to the idea that actions by Israel and Hamas could be seen on equal footing. Rubio insisted that "Hamas is a terrorist organisation" and called on Australia and its allies to reverse the sanctions.
This sharp response has exposed a growing divide between Australia and the United States on the question of how to achieve peace and justice in the region. For decades, Australia has largely aligned its Middle East policy with that of Washington. But now, for the first time in years, Canberra is signalling that it may be willing to stand apart, at least symbolically, in defence of international law.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese responded by reaffirming that Israel must uphold its obligations under international law. His government’s statement reflected a tone of concern rather than confrontation. Nevertheless, the fact remains: this is a major foreign policy decision, and one that may shape Australia’s global image for years to come.
While Australia’s move to sanction Israeli ministers Ben Gvir and Smotrich is a significant shift in foreign policy, the domestic political reaction has exposed deep divisions, not just between parties, but over the very nature of what Australia’s role in the world should be when it comes to human rights, war crimes and diplomacy.
The Liberal and National parties have reacted with outrage, though notably not outrage over the behaviour of the Israeli ministers in question, men who have marched alongside crowds chanting “death to Arabs” and openly called for the destruction of any future Palestinian state. Rather, their focus has been on questioning the Albanese government’s decision making process, the timing of the sanctions, and the diplomatic fallout with the United States.
Shadow Attorney General Michaelia Cash called the sanctions “a very serious development” and demanded clarity on who initiated the process and why. Her full statement emphasised the idea that Labor may be unfairly targeting a “key democratic ally.” She also accused the government of lowering the threshold for Magnitsky style sanctions, suggesting this sets a dangerous precedent.
This line of attack, while politically predictable, sidesteps the actual reason for the sanctions: documented human rights violations and incitement to racial violence by senior government officials. That silence, especially in the face of such grotesque rhetoric from Ben Gvir and Smotrich, speaks volumes about where their priorities lie.
Other Coalition figures, like Senator Bridget McKenzie, have sought to change the subject altogether. Instead of directly addressing the sanctions or the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, they have used public commentary to draw attention to an unrelated incident involving an Australian reporter shot with a rubber bullet in Los Angeles, arguing that this deserves more attention. It is a strategic redirection, one that avoids confronting the core question of whether Australia should ever hold its allies accountable for abuses.
For many Australians, particularly within Palestinian, Arab, Muslim and progressive communities, this move by the Albanese government is being met with cautious approval. Greens Senator David Shoebridge said the sanctions were “extremely late but welcome,” echoing a broader sentiment: this is not a cause for celebration, but it is a moment that signals a break from 611 days of almost complete government silence. It is important to remember that over 100,000 people have died in Gaza, with countless more missing under rubble or locked away in Israeli prisons without charge. For many, this single gesture cannot undo nearly two years of bloodshed, nor erase Australia’s earlier inaction. But it does raise an important question:
Is this a one off symbolic move to ease public pressure, or the beginning of a consistent principle based foreign policy?
This remains unclear.
Penny Wong, in her press conference, made strong statements. She described Israel’s blockade of Gaza and its restriction of humanitarian aid as violations of international law. She emphasised that the sanctioned ministers actively work against peace, against coexistence and against the rights of Palestinians. But words, even strong ones, do not matter if they are not followed by action.
The United States’ sharp condemnation places Australia in a difficult position. United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio made it clear that Washington sees these sanctions as harmful to peace efforts and accused Australia of forgetting “who the real enemy is.” That rhetoric leaves little room for nuance, ignoring the fact that Ben Gvir and Smotrich’s extremism directly undermines Israel’s own credibility and security and derails the possibility of a two state solution.
This moment presents a clear moral test for the Albanese government. Will Australia continue to take a stand for human rights and international law, even when that puts it at odds with its most powerful ally? Or will it retreat under pressure, letting this one act serve as a token gesture before quietly returning to the status quo?
The answer may depend on how much pressure the government continues to face at home.
Looking Ahead: What Comes Next?
The public, especially young people, student groups, community organisers and diaspora networks, will be watching closely. Many are already asking: will Australia expand its sanctions list? Will it recognise the need to address war crimes in Gaza, not just settler violence in the West Bank? Will it continue to call for the entry of humanitarian aid? And most importantly, will it support justice for the tens of thousands of Palestinians who have died, lost their homes or are languishing in detention?
Right now, the government has taken a necessary step, but one that comes painfully late. It is a move that people are willing to accept, but not satisfied with. Whether that step turns into a meaningful change in policy or becomes just another forgotten press release will depend entirely on what Australia chooses to do next.
And the world is watching.